Alexander Speirs – Tobacco Lord (1714 – 1782) Part 1

Note: There are many different spellings of Speirs. These include Speers, Spears, Spiers and Speirs.

In my John Glassford post Part 1 I referred to William Cunningham, Alexander Spiers and John Glassford as the most prominent of the Glasgow Tobacco Lords. As with Glassford, the purpose of this post is to comment on Speir’s family background, his business activities and partnerships. Without the use of slave labour however it is clear that none of these individuals, and others, would have been as successful as they were and, perhaps, Glasgow’s financial pre-eminence in the tobacco trade and the concomitant development of local industry would not have occurred. This I believe would have inhibited the city’s commercial growth and progression in the 19th century as a significant amount of ‘slave delivered’ funding would not have been available.

Again, I refer those with an interest in Glasgow’s involvement with slavery to the writings of Stephen Mullen, Tom Devine and others.

Alexander Speirs’ parents were John Speers, an Edinburgh merchant and burgess of the N.W. (Tolbooth) parish in Edinburgh and Isobell Twedie, the daughter of John Twedie an ex Lord Provost of Peebles (1703-1707).[1] They married in 1708 and had eight children, three sons and five girls,[2] Alexander being the fourth child and second son, born and baptized in September 1714.[3] John became a burgess of Edinburgh in 1705, his third son James in 1743.[4] The eldest son John died in 1726 at the age of fourteen from drowning.[5]

What Alexander did as a young adult has not been ascertained however in 1740 at the age of twenty six he travelled to Virginia.[6] I’m not clear why he went there at that time however it possibly could have been as a factor/associate of a tobacco company, which is what a number of young men did then, particularly if they were of the merchant class.

Whatever the reason he became involved with the Cary (Carey) family plantations in Virginia, eventually marrying Sarah Cary the youngest daughter of Henry Cary jnr. of Ampthill in Chesterfield County, and his second wife Anne Edwards. Henry Cary’s main occupation was as a contract builder. His buildings include the President’s House and the Brafferton Building of William and Mary College, both still existing, and Ampthill House, the family home built in 1732.[7] In 1929 the house was dismantled and rebuild in Richmond where it remains.[8]

Figure 1.  Ampthill House from Webb, May Folk and Estes, Patrick Mann. (1939). Cary – Estes Genealogy. Rutland, Vermont: The Tuttle Publishing Company. pp. 46,47.

Additionally, he owned a large acreage of land, slaves, cattle, horses etc, the land and the slaves most likely used  for the cultivation of tobacco, in which Spiers was to become involved, in due course.[9] In 1860 the Virginia census showed that the population of Chesterfield county consisted of ten thousand and eighteen whites, and eight thousand three hundred and fifty five slaves, suggesting an ‘industrial’ level of slaves working in the fields.[10] It’s worth remembering the UK had abolished slavery in 1833.

Figure 2. from Graham, H. S. & Hergesheimer, E. (1861) Map of Virginia: showing the distribution of its slave population from the census of. Washington: Henry S. Graham. [Map] The Library of Congress,
Alexander married Sarah (born in 1729) in 1741[11] although other sources say it was in 1748[12] or 1746[13]. At the time of her marriage she had two live siblings, Archibald, born in 1721 and Judith, born in 1726. Judith married David Bell in 1744[14] who along with Archibald and Spiers’ brother James, ran Alexander’s tobacco interests in Chesterfield subsequent to his return to Scotland, more of which shortly.

Note: Henry Cary jnr. had three children with his first wife all of whom died before they reached their majority. He had four children with Anne Edwards, the first of whom died as an infant. He married for a third time in 1741, Elizabeth Brickenhead, the marriage producing no children.[15]

Henry Cary jnr. died circa 1749. His will dated 1748, naming Archibald as his executor, detailed a number of bequests as follows:

  • to his wife Elizabeth, essentially liferent of property, slaves and money
  • to his daughter Judith and her husband, three thousand acres of land on Hatchers Creek in Albemarle, including livestock, buildings, slaves etc.
  • to his son in law Alexander Speirs, three thousand acres of land on Willis Creek, “currently in his possession” also the plantation slaves, cattle, horses etc., “including a negro wench named Sarah and a negro girl named Nell”.
  • to his son Archibald , the residue of his estate both real and personal.[16]

It’s clear from the above that Speirs was working the land bequeathed to him for a period of time, probably from the time of his marriage at least.

When Cary’s third wife Elizabeth died in her will dated 1751 she left bequests to Mrs Judith Bell and Mrs Alexander Speirs.[17]

Alexander and Sarah came to Glasgow around 1750 shortly after her father died. As perhaps expected he began to be involved in the civic life of the city. In 1750 subscriptions were being raised to erect an episcopal church in Glasgow. In due course the church became known as St Andrews by the Green. The original subscribers and directors of the project included a number of well known merchants of the city to which, in September 1751, Alexander Speirs was added.[18] His personal life however was to change in June the following year, his wife Sarah unfortunately dying; the marriage having produced no children.[19]

Despite his personal loss Speirs continued to develop and expand his tobacco interests. In April 1754 a co-partnery was established between Archibald Buchanan, Alexander Spiers, John Bowman, Hugh Brown, Thomas Hopkirk, Alexander Mackie and James Clark, all tobacco merchants, the latter two located in Virginia. The partnership was pre-dated to July of 1753. It was to last for seven years, the capital in the company amounting to £16,200, with borrowing and profit taking rules established for the first three years. Item three of the partnering conditions stated that it was also agreed that no one partner could act separately until April 1756.

Figure 3. Mrs Judith Bell, Speir’s sister in law from Webb, May Folk and Estes, Patrick Mann. (1939). Cary – Estes Genealogy. Rutland, Vermont: The Tuttle Publishing Company. pp. 58,59.

There was one exception however to that condition. Item ten allowed Speirs to continue to operate his Chesterfield plantation in the way he had done before the partnership was signed. He would be able to trade his crops as he saw fit, transport them as he required, all managed in Virginia by his brother James, his brother-in-law Archibald Cary and his sister-in-law Mrs Judith Bell.[20]

He had become a burgess and guild brother of Glasgow in 1753,[21] ,and was a merchant councillor, being elected Glasgow Treasurer in 1755. This was followed by his election as a Bailie in 1757[22] and again in 1762.[23]

He also remarried, this time to Mary Buchanan in 1755.[24]

His return from Virginia and his second marriage was the start of a new and highly successful period of his life, leading to him becoming one of the richest merchants of his time. Part 2 will look at his family life, the growth of his business and his partnerships, his new wife’s family and the part they played in his commercial success, and his property purchases.


[1] Paton, Henry Rev. (1902). The Register of Marriages for the parish of Edinburgh.1701 – 1750. Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society. p. 510.
[2] Births (OPR) Scotland. Edinburgh. 1709 – 1720. Speers/Spears/ Speirs/ Sphers.
[3] Births (OPR) Scotland. Edinburgh. 14 September 1714. SPEARS, Alexander. 685/01 0160 0056.
[4] Watson, Charles Boog B. (1930). The Roll of Edinburgh Burgesses and Guild Brethren. 1701 – 1760. Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society. p. 190.
[5] Burke, Ashworth P. (1897) Burkes Family Records. Reprint 1994. Baltimore: Clearfield Company Inc. pp. 541,542.
[6] Scots on the Chesapeake, 1607-1830. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co. Alexander Speirs arriving Virginia 1740. Collection: U.S. and Canada, Passenger and Immigration Lists Index, 1500s-1900s.
[7] Webb, May Folk and Estes, Patrick Mann. (1939). Cary – Estes Genealogy. Rutland, Vermont: The Tuttle Publishing Company. pp 48-51.
[8] Chesterfield County, Va. History. Historic Chesterfield – Mary Randolph.
[9] Webb and Estes, op. cit. pp. 48-51.
[10] Library of Congress. Map of Virginia: showing the distribution of its slave population from the census of 1860.,0.289,0.478,0.22,0
[11] Marriage: Alexander Speirs to Sarah Cary, 1741. Mitchell Library Archives Glasgow. Reference number B10/15/5943.
[12] Marriage: Alexander Speirs, 1748. Webb and Estes, op. cit. p. 51.
[13] Marriage: Alexander Speirs, 1746. Burke, op. cit. p. 541
[14] Webb and Estes, op. cit. pp. 48-51.
[15] Ibid
[16] Webb and Estes, op. cit. pp. 52-54.
[17] Webb and Estes, op. cit. p. 51.
[18] Senex et al. (1884) Glasgow Past and Present. Vol.3. Glasgow: David Robertson and Co. p. 226.
[19] Burkes. op.cit. p.541.
[20] Deed of Contract 1754. Mitchell Library Archives Glasgow. Reference Number B10/15/6653.
[21] Anderson, James R. (ed). The Burgesses and Guild Brethren of Glasgow 1751-1846. Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society. p.7.
[22] Renwick, Robert (ed). Extracts from the Burgh of Glasgow Records 1739-1759. Vol VI. Mitchell Library Archives Reference Number LK 1/7. p. 447, 508.
[23] Renwick, Robert .(ed). Extracts from the Burgh of Glasgow Records 1760-1780. Vol VII. Mitchell Library Archives Reference Number LK 1/8. p. 1912
[24] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 2 March 1755. SPEIRS, Alexander and BUCHANAN, Mary. 644/01 0250 0157.






John Glassford – Tobacco Lord (1715-1783) Part 2

Part 1 of this post discussed Glassford’s family background and marriages and the general performance of the Glasgow tobacco industry. This final part looks at Glassford’s specific business structure, his partnerships and some of the personalities involved. It also covers his final years, how some of his children fared, and the impact on the tobacco business, his and others, of the American War of Independence.

Business continued.

The diagram below is a representation of John Glassford’s overall business activities and how they were interlinked in some cases by common partners consisting of kinsmen and friends. It also indicates the number of diverse commercial enterprises he was involved with. The other interesting point is the relatively small number of people he partnered.

Figure 1. John Glassford’s Business ‘Compass’ George Manzor

He was involved in ten tobacco companies with a total of thirty five partnerships consisting of sixteen individuals, the main names being James Gordon – son in law – (6), Henry Riddell – son in law – (5), Archibald Henderson (3), John Campbell senior and junior – Caribbean sugar traders – (3), Arthur Connell – Lord Provost of Glasgow 1772/73 – (2), Neil Jamieson – also his factor in Chesapeake – (2) and Archibald Ingram – brother in law – (1).

These companies had a significant number of trading posts in Virginia and Maryland including Bladensburg, Lower Marlboro, Upper Marlboro, Chaptico, Leonardstown, Newport, Piscataway, Port Tobacco, Quantico in Maryland, and Alexandria, Boyd’s Hole, Cabin Point, Colchester, Norfolk in Virginia.

A similar partnership arrangement is evident in the thirteen non tobacco companies he had an interest in. They included banks, textiles, brewing, acid manufacture, and mining as follows:

Glasgow Arms Bank – along with Archibald Ingram (brother in law, married Glassford’s sister in 1743[1]), John Coates Campbell of Clathic (brother in law, brother of Anne Coats), Thomas Hopkirk (father of Glassford’s future son in law James Hopkirk) and twenty two others, seven of whom were successively Lord Provosts of Glasgow, founded the bank in 1750. Thistle Bank – founded the bank in 1761 along with John Coates Campbell and others.

His textile interests were Pollokshaws Dyers, Pollokshaws Printfield (bleaching), Glasgow Inkle Factory (manufacture of linen tape), Glasgow Tanners, Glasgow Cudbear Co. (dyers), Graham Liddell and Co. (stocking manufacturers) and James McGregor and Co. (bleachers and linen dealers), key partners in most of these businesses being Adam Ingram and John Coates Campbell

His other activities included Banton Ironstone Mines, which he leased from the Carron Company, the Anderston Brewery, the Prestonpans Vitriol Company, and the Borrowstouness Coal Company which again involved the Carron Company.

Another venture he became involved with was the Forth and Clyde Canal. In 1767 the cost of the canal was put at £50,000. The men of commerce in Glasgow decided to raise £40,000 in £100 shares. This was done with Glassford and another tobacco merchant John Ritchie raising between them £24,000.[2]

He, Adam Ingram and John Coates Campbell also supported financially the Foulis Art Academy founded in 1753/54 by Robert and Andrew Foulis, the University’s printers. Students were taught painting, drawing, engraving and modelling and were accommodated in rooms freely given by the University with exhibitions of their work being occasionally held in the faculty hall.[3]

Figure 2 The Foulis Academy of Art. From Old Glasgow: The place and the People by Andrew MacGeorge 1880.

The academy lasted until 1776 when it experienced serious financial difficulties. A number of the academy paintings were sold at auction in London for very low prices, with Robert Foulis dying on the return journey from London, his brother predeceasing him in 1775.[4]

Perhaps unexpectedly, this support of the academy by Glassford seems to have fostered in him an interest in art to the extent that he began collecting. At the time of his death in 1783 he had a sizable collection of Dutch, British, Italian, Flemish and French paintings. They were sold at auction at Christies in London on the 23rd December 1786, as his executers tried to deal with his rather messy finances. The Getty Provenance Index Database lists twenty six, which generated a total sale of just under £80. Included were paintings by Canaletto, Hobbema, and Griffier, the most expensive being by Barend Gael which raised £8 10s.[5]

As trade increased competition between the Glasgow merchants’ factors also increased as they tried to obtain the largest share of the crop for their company. They loaned cash to planters and gave unlimited credit such that the trade, as time went on, became more speculative rather than a normal and sustainable branch of business. In the meantime, all seemed well, with Glassford owning around twenty five ships and becoming extremely wealthy.

However, more and more complaints about the quality of goods from Glasgow were made in letters home from the factors. In a letter dated the 13th July 1758 Alexander Henderson, factor and partner, wrote that the price of tobacco was increasing and that there had been a number of complaints about the quality of china and gloves from Glasgow.[6]

The debt situation began to cause planters to move between agents to get credit regardless of their level of debt elsewhere. However, they also began to feel trapped by the level of debt they had.

By 1775 John Glassford is testifying to a parliamentary committee in London that debt age could be as much as four years and that the total debt to Glasgow merchants was £500,000 (between £65m and £5.5b today [7]), some of it in large amounts but much of it in small sums as low as £30, Glassford’s share being £50,000.[8] As indicated in Part 1 the level of debt was a significant proportion of the capital in the business and by 1775 had probably become unsustainable. To protect themselves to some extent against the effects of this situation the tobacco companies had for some time wrote down the value of a significant portion of their debt and controlled the level of profit claimed.[9] However this was a not a good position for the business nor the individual who owed the money.

When the War of Independence broke out in 1775 it signalled the end of the trade as it had been. As the war progressed the French market collapsed due to French sympathies lying with the revolutionaries, import volumes dropped, and debts were not being paid as settlers probably saw a way out of what they had come to believe as their entrapment by British plutocrats.

If the war had not occurred would the business have survived?

Probably, but not operating in the way that it had prior to the war. Without tackling the ever-ballooning level of debt and its increasing longevity (agents at one point had been instructed not to chase debt repayment aggressively), working capital would have reduced and cash flow problems would have occurred threatening the existence of some companies.

Possible solutions could have included amalgamation of the growers into larger plantations, varying the procurement of the product between direct purchase and consignment dependant on the circumstances of the individual planter thereby varying the business risk and reducing debt, creating joint stock companies to increase investment in the business and change the nature of the business risk, and perhaps the combining of some of the Glasgow companies into larger units.

The war however did take place and that fundamentally was that!

What of Glassford’s fortune? Well, it really did not survive the war either. Letters from Neil Jamieson late in 1775 spoke of the confusion that existed, about the arrival of British troops, residents declaring for the crown or being prevented from doing so, others leaving the area, still talking however about cargoes, asking Glassford to send sailcloth and twine, potatoes and porter. One letter finishes with “send no strong beer”. However it’s probable that these letters were never received by Glassford as they are annotated as follows; “intercepted letter transmitted to Congress by General Washington, with his letter dated December 18, 1775” [10].

In fact, Glassford’s financial difficulties actually began before the war. He was by nature a gambler both in business and in gaming. In particular a number of disastrous business speculations between 1774 and 1778 fundamentally laid the foundations for the loss of his fortune. He had a ‘gambling room’ built in an outhouse on his estate where he would indulge his passion for games of chance.

He was also described as a thrawn, stubborn individual. He believed the War of Independence was essentially an English conflict which should not have involved Scotland. He sided with the revolutionaries, unlike his peers, even to the point of refusing to sell his ships to the government to aid the war effort, leaving them berthed in Port Glasgow harbour. This at a time when he was already in deep financial trouble and could have done with the funds that these sales would have brought.[11]

As 1783 approached Glassford’s financial affairs continued to be problematic and he was in poor health. On the 6th August 1783 he created a tailzie (entail) of his Dougalston estate in favour of his son Henry and his heirs thus protecting it from his creditors. On the 14th August he established a trust covering the rest of his property, real and personal, the purpose of which was the winding up of his financial affairs and to protect the entailed Dougalston estate.[12]

Glassford died on the 27th August 1783, cause of death was given as ’growth in stomach.’[13] He was buried in the Ramshorn Churchyard, where also lies several members of his family.[14]

In his will, dated the 15th August and recorded on the 5th September, son Henry, John Coates Campbell, William Coates, Archibald Henderson, and sons-in- law James Gordon and Henry Riddell were named as trustees and executors.[15]

It seems that it took a further ten years sort out Glassford’s finances, his personal debt amounting £93,1430.[16]

In 1790 son-in-law Henry Riddell swore an affidavit to the Lord Provost of Glasgow John Campbell in an endeavour to claim compensation for the losses suffered by John Glassford and Co. as a result of the War of Independence. In it he stated that the claims were for property confiscated in Maryland consisting of land, houses, granaries and other effects. He also stated that the company was specifically mentioned in an Act of Parliament dealing with such claims, but the time limits imposed by the Act could not be met.

They authorised Robert Ferguson to act on the company’s behalf in Maryland who had been successful in saving a great deal of company property. The claim now being made was for the residue not secured by Ferguson. Riddell also state that he had been resident in Maryland at the outbreak of the war but as the situation became more and more difficult had moved back to Britain in 1778.

The losses amounted to £1915 14s (equivalent today in simple RPI change terms to £240,000) which is a relatively small amount considering the size of Glassford’s business, and that of a similar claim made on behalf of Spiers, French and Co. was for c. £1,000,000 at current values. Having said that the value of the property saved by Ferguson is not known. Interestingly the person making the claim on behalf of Spiers was another son-in-law of Glassford, namely James Hopkirk.[17] What the outcome was of both claims I have not ascertained.

Glassford’s children.

Nine children survived into adulthood, four of whom remained unmarried. Of the five who did marry only three of them produced offspring – surprisingly perhaps, none of Glassford’s sons produced any children.

  • Jean married James Gordon on the 18th August 1768.[18] They had seven children, their eldest son James inheriting Glassford’s estate of Dougalston in 1845 from his uncle James who died without children. He took the name Gordon Glassford in accordance with the requirements of the tailzie which detailed the succession. He was in turn succeeded by his brother Henry Gordon Glassford in 1847. Henry’s son James Glassford Gordon Glassford inherited the estate in 1860 which he eventually sold.
  • Ann married Henry Riddell some time between 1779 and 1781. Their first child Ann was born in August 1782.[19] They had seven others. He was also Glassford’s nephew by marriage, his mother, Christian, being the sister of Ann Nisbet.[20]
  • Catherine died unmarried on the 23rd November 1825, cause of death recorded as ‘decline’.[21] The inscription on the family tomb in the Ramshorn Churchyard records her death as being on the 13th[22]
  • Christian married James Hopkirk on the 28th March 1784.[23] They had ten children, their son Thomas becoming a famous botanist.[24] The Hopkirk Building in the Glasgow Botanical Gardens is named in his honour.[25]
  • Rebecca died unmarried on the 8th January 1780.[26] She was buried in the Ramshorn tomb.
  • Henry inherited Dougalston on his father’s death in 1783. He matriculated to the University in 1775 and was admitted to the Faculty of Advocates in 1785. In 1805 he became Rector of the University serving until 1807[27]. He served in local Militia companies, in 1798 he was a captain in the Baldernock Yeomanry, becoming a major the following year and in 1804 was a lieutenant colonel in the West Stirling Volunteers. He became MP for Dunbartonshire from 1806 to 1810.[28] He died on the 26th May 1819[29] having never been married. Brother James inherited Dougalston on his death the estate eventually going to his nephew James in 1845 as indicated above.
  • Isabella married William Simpson on the 24th November 1804.[30] He was cashier to the Royal Bank of Scotland at the time of their marriage. They had no children.
  • James married Isabella Murray, the daughter of Sir William Murray of Auchtertyre, on the 24th September 1808.[31] He married for the second time Jane MacKay on the 8th May 1812. Both marriages were childless.[32] He was an advocate and legal writer. In 1820 he published ‘An Essay on the Principles of Evidence’ in which he treated evidence as a distinct subject, which changed the approach to testimony and evidence.[33]
  • Euphemia; according to the Ramshorn tomb inscription she died in 1850.[34] She was unmarried as far as I can tell.

Without the entailment specifying that the name Glassford should be taken if the succession passed through the female line, the surname would have been lost to Glassford’s direct descendants.

In due course the three families all went their separate ways.

The Gordon Glassfords branch ended up in New Zealand, the Hopkirks in Canada (James Hopkirk) and Northern Ireland (Thomas Hopkirk), whilst the Riddells essentially remained in Scotland or England.

In 1978 Glassford’s great great great great grandson Gordon Glassford Leask published a history of the Gordon Glassfords in New Zealand.[35]

In a short biography of Glassford in ‘Curiosities of Glasgow Citizenship’ written in 1881 the writer observed that ‘Glassford tried to found a family to keep his name alive but it all came to nothing. The Glassfords are gone, their heirs are seeking to found a fortune on the other side of the globe…Glassford now almost forgotten, the very stone (in the Ramshorn Churchyard) tells the story of neglect, decay and desolation.[36]


The Tobacco Lords, Tom Devine, 1975, John Donald Ltd Edinburgh.

The Ascent of Money, Niall Ferguson, 2009, Penguin Books.

Scotland’s Empire 1600 – 1815, Tom Devine, 2003, Penguin Group.

The Union – England, Scotland and the Treaty of 1707, Michael Fry, 2007, Birlinn Ltd.

Studies in Scottish Business History, Ed. Peter Payne, 1967, Frank Case & Co. (Reprint from the William and Mary Quarterly entitled ‘The Rise of Glasgow in the Chesapeake Tobacco Trade 1707-1775)

Glasgow Past and Present-3 Volumes – 1884, David Robertson and Co.


[1] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 27 February 1743. INGRAM, Archibald and GLASSFORD, Rebecca. 644/01 0250 0080.

[2] Daiches, David. (1977). Glasgow. Glasgow: Andre Deutsch. p. 70.

[3] Coutts, James. (1909). History of the University of Glasgow. From its Foundation in 1451 to 1909. Glasgow: James Maclehose and Sons. pp. 258 – 260.

[4] MacGeorge, Andrew. (1880). Old Glasgow: The place and the People. Glasgow: Blackie and Son. pp. 302-304.

[5] The Getty Research Institute. The Getty Provenance Index Databases.

[6] TD 168, Mitchell Library. Letter book of Alexander Henderson 1760 – 1764.

[7] Measuring Worth (2016).

[8] TD 88/2, Mitchell Library. Xerox copy of BM Add MS33030 in the British Library.

[9] Price, Jacob M.  (1980). Capital and Credit in British Overseas Trade, The View from the Chesapeake 1700 – 1776. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. p. 26.

[10] Northern Illinois University. Digital Records: American Archives. Letters from Neil Jamieson to Glassford, Gordon and Co. and

[11] Castle, Colin M. (1989). John Glassford of Dougalston. Milngavie and Bearsden Historical Society. p. 22,23 and Oakley, Charles A. (1975). The Second City. Glasgow: Blackie. p. 7,8.

[12] Shaw, Patrick and Dunlop, Alexander. (1834) Cases Decided in the Court of Session 1822-1824. Vol II.

Edinburgh: Thomas Clark. p.432.

[13]Deaths (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 27 August 1783. GLASSFORD, John. 644/01 0590 0131.

[14] Senex et al. (1884) Glasgow Past and Present. Vol.2. Glasgow: David Robertson and Co. p. 295.

[15] Maryland State Archives. Maryland Indexes, Charles County Maryland Will Book AH-9, 1785-1788; p. 361, 367, 369.

[16] Castle, op.cit. p.24.

[17] AO/12/9 in TD 88, Mitchell Library. Glasgow Tobacco Merchants – Claims of American Loyalists to the British Government after the American Revolution.

[18] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 18 August 1768. GORDON, James and GLASSFORD, Jean. 644/01 0260 0056.

[19] Births (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 6 August 1782. RIDDELL, Ann. 644/01 0170 0214.

[20] Births (OPR) Scotland. Edinburgh. 26 December 1744. RIDDELL, Henry. 685/01 0240 0294.

[21] Deaths. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 23 August 1825. GLASSFORD, Catherine. 644/01 0610 0228.

[22] Senex etc op.cit.

[23] Marriages. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 28 March 1784. HOPKIRK, James and GLASSFORD, Christian. 644/01 0260 0319.

[24] Hopkirk Family Worldwide.

[25] Glasgow City Council. Glasgow Botanic Gardens Heritage Trail (PDF).

[26] Deaths. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 8 January 1780. GLASSFORD, Rebecca. 644/01 0590 0057.

[27] University of Glasgow. The University of Glasgow Story: Henry Glassford of Dougalston.

[28] The History of Parliament: Members 1790-1820. Henry Glassford (1764-1819).

[29] Deaths. Scotland (OPR) Glasgow. 26 May 1819. GLASSFORD, Henry. 644/01 0610 0228.

[30] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Edinburgh. 24 November 1804. SIMPSON, William and GLASSFORD, Isabella. 685/01 0530 0164

[31] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Edinburgh. 24 September 1808. GLASSFORD, James and MURRAY, Isabella. 685/01 0530 0292

[32] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Edinburgh. 8 May 1812. GLASSFORD, James and MACKAY, Jane. 685/02 0180 0429

[33] Wentworth-Shields, W.F. and Harris, Jonathan. (2004) Glassford, James (1771-1845). In: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

[34] Deaths. Find a Grave 1850. GLASSFORD, Euphemia

[35]  National Library of Australia.

[36] Stewart, George (1881) Curiosities of Glasgow Citizenship. Short biographical notices of the principal merchants, manufacturers etc of Glasgow in 1783: John Glassford. Glasgow: James Maclehose.


John Glassford – Tobacco Lord (1715-1783) Part 1.

The three most prominent Glasgow ‘Tobacco Lords’ were William Cunningham, Alexander Speirs and John Glassford. Much has been written about all three, in particular detailing how they and others, developed the trade, ran their businesses and with whom. In more recent times the issue of Glasgow’s involvement with slavery in the American Colonies and the Caribbean has been more vigorously explored than previously. It’s clear that the success of the Colonial tobacco trade owes much to the use of slaves in Virginia and Maryland.

The purpose of this post is not to look at this aspect of the trade* but to comment on John Glassford’s family background and his immediate family life, identify his business structure, activities and partnerships, and give some detail to a few of the men he partnered.

There will be one comment on what may be a direct contact Glassford had with slavery but more of that later.

*Those with an interest in this subject should, at least, read ‘It Wisnae Us’ by Stephen Mullen and ‘Recovering Scotland’s Slavery Past’ edited by Tom Devine.


John Glassford’s father James was a merchant in Paisley. He married Eupham Smelie (various spellings) in Edinburgh on the 27th April 1710.[1] Her father was Thomas Smelie, an Edinburgh merchant and also a burgess and guild brother of the city. As was the custom, the daughter of a burgess could transfer to her husband her right of admission as a burgess, which she got through her father. This duly occurred and in July of 1710 James became a burgess and guild brother of Edinburgh.[2]

It seems they had six children, born in Abbey parish, Paisley: one son John, and five daughters, Jannet, Euphame, Catharine, Rebecca and Helen.[3] However, there are other sources which say that John was the third of three sons, the others being William and James, and that there was another daughter Elizabeth.

If he did indeed have other children he must have been married before. One strong candidate would be Agnes Gemmill who married a James Glassford in 1690.[4] They had children named William, Elizabeth, James, and Agnes, all born in Abbey parish, Paisley, the father being described as a bailiff or merchant there.[5]

Pure conjecture of course, and just to confuse matters further a William Glassford, described as ‘James Glassford’s’ first son was made a burgess and guild brother of Glasgow in 1723 by right of his father,[6] additionally a James Glassford, described as ‘James Glassford’s’ second son was made a burgess and guild brother of Edinburgh in 1733 by right of his father[7] and also a burgess and guild brother of Glasgow in 1734 by right of his father.[8]

One thing is certain, when James Glassford senior died in 1730, age 63, his wife Euphame survived him and in his will he mentions he had four living children all in their minority; John, Rebecca, Katharine and Helen.[9] He died in Edinburgh on the 6th November, reportedly murdered on the way home to his chambers.[10] He was buried in Edinburgh in the Smelie family lair on the 9th November.[11]

John Glassford was born on the 11th December 1715 and baptised on the 15th of that month.[12] He matriculated at Glasgow University in 1728, age 13.[13] I

It’s not clear when he became involved in the tobacco trade however his initial business activity was as a manufacturer of textiles.[14]  In 1739 he, along with fellow merchant Andrew Thomson, is said to have undertaken a trip on horseback to London. For what business reason has not been established however it must have been a long and arduous journey with “no turnpike road until they came to Grantham, within 110 miles of London.” [15]

This journey may well have been the precursor to his involvement with tobacco as around 1745 he has purchased Whitehill House[16] and by 1750 he is a founder member of the Glasgow Arms Bank.[17]

Figure 1. Whitehill House from The old country houses of the old Glasgow gentry. John Guthrie Smith and John Oswald Mitchell, 1878. Glasgow: James Maclehose & Sons.

John Glassford married three times, the first of whom was Anne Coats, who he married on the 24th April 1743 in Glasgow.[18] Her father was the Glasgow merchant Archibald Coats who, along with Baillie George Carmichael, was ‘taken hostage’ in 1745 by Bonnie Prince Charlie and his army to ensure that the terms they had forced on Glasgow were duly implemented.[19] These demands included “six thowsand shirt cloath coats, twelve thowsand linnen shirts, six thowsand pairs of shoes and the like number of pairs of tartan hose and blue bonnets.”[20]

Anne’s mother was Jean Campbell who was the heir to the Clathick estate in Perthshire. On her death in 1729[21] her eldest son John became heir and in due course became known as John Coats Campbell of Clathick.

John and Anne had five children, all but one dying in infancy.

  • Anne – born 1744, died the same year.[22]
  • Jean – born 1746.[23]
  • James – born 1748, died in 1751[24].
  • Archibald – born 1750, died the same year.[25]
  • Euphan – born 1751, died 1752.[26]

In each case the registration documents record the witnesses to be Anne’s father Archibald and Archibald Ingram, who had married John’s sister Rebecca in 1743[27]. More of Ingram and Campbell of Clathick later.

A few weeks after giving birth to Euphan, Anne died on the 18th December.[28]

Less than a year later in November of 1752 John married Ann Nisbet the daughter of Sir John Nisbet of Dean in Edinburgh.[29]

They had six children all of whom, with the exception of John, survived into adulthood.

  • Ann – born 1754.[30]
  • Catherine – born 1755.[31]
  • Christian – born 1757.[32]
  • Rebecca – born 1758.[33]
  • John – born 1762, died 1777.[34]
  • Henry – born 1764.[35]

An interesting point again arises from the parish registration documents in that James Glassford is recorded as a witness in five of the births. Was this John’s brother from his father’s first marriage to Agnes Gemmill? If so why was he not mentioned in his father’s will?

Ann Nisbet died on the 11th April 1766 in Glasgow, cause of death was child bed fever.[36]

In 1768 there were two Glassford family marriages. The first was that of daughter Jean to James Gordon on the 18th August.[37] The second was when John married his third wife Lady Margaret McKenzie, daughter of the Earl of Cromarty on the 7th December.[38]

This marriage produced a further three children.

  • Isabella – born 1770.[39]
  • James – born 1771.[40]
  • Euphemia – 1773.[41]

Euphemia was born on the 21st February. Unfortunately, just over five weeks later on the 29th March, Lady Margaret died.[42]

Throughout the period of his three marriages Glassford’s business empire, in common with the other leading tobacco merchants increased almost exponentially. His local prestige and involvement with the city’s governing bodies both commercial and civic grew apace.

He became a burgess and guild brother of Glasgow in 1737 by right of his father James,[43] played his part in the activity of the Merchants House, was a partner in two Glasgow banks (see business section) and finally in 1783, the year of his death, was a founder member of the Glasgow Chamber of Commerce, created by Royal Charter on the 9th June.[44]

He sold Whitehill House in 1759[45] and purchased Shawfield Mansion the following year from William McDowall for 1700 guineas.[46] In 1767 he bought the Dougalston estate from the Grahame family.[47]

Figure 2. Shawfield Mansion © Glasgow City Libraries

The Glassford family portrait referred to earlier demonstrates how wealthy John had become with the fine clothing on display and the room’s fine furnishings. Much has recently been written about it particularly around the time (2007) when conservation work on the painting was being undertaken.

The painting contains the surviving children from his first two marriages and his third wife Lady Margaret McKenzie. The conservation work led by conservator Polly Smith established that his second wife Ann Nisbet had been painted out following her death in 1766 suggesting that it was in progress prior to that date or possibly had been completed, with Lady Margaret being added when he remarried in 1768.

Figure 3. John Glassford (1715-1783), and His Family. © CSG GIC Glasgow Museums Collection. (

I believe the children in the painting to be Jean at the rear to the right of her father, the middle row left to right being Rebecca, Christian, Anne, Catherine and on Lady Margaret’s lap Henry, and standing at the front, John.

Another figure was also established behind John Glassford’s chair, that of a negro manservant. It had been believed previously that he had been painted out to avoid any family connection to slavery, however it seems that the figure simply faded over time.

Who was he, by what means did he come to Glassford’s household? Perhaps the answer lies in the following extracts from Frederick County, Maryland Land Records[48] and the Maryland Genealogical Society Records.[49]

Robert Peter or Peters was a Scottish tobacco factor working for John Glassford and Company in Maryland. He began in Bladensburgh circa 1746, moving to Georgetown in 1755. (In 1790 he became the first mayor of Georgetown). He was also John Glassford & Company’s attorney in Maryland. On the 27th September 1756 he bought a negro boy named Jim for 4,000 lbs of tobacco and £2 5s. I think it probable that this purchase was in the name of the company. Why else record that it was made by the attorney of John Glassford?

Robert Peter bought other slaves but those records I have seen clearly state that the purchases were on his own or his family’s behalf, and they never involved a single slave purchase.

Was ‘Jim’ purchased for Glassford personally? Is he the manservant in the painting? In truth who knows but intriguing none the less.


It’s probably worth looking, first of all, at how the tobacco industry in Glasgow began and developed.

Before the Union of Parliaments minor trade in tobacco took place between Glasgow merchants and the American colonies during the 17th Century. This included having an embryonic stores system on the Potomac River manned by Scottish agents towards the end of the century.

The English Navigation Acts of 1660 to 1664 in particular treated Scotland as a foreign nation thereby legally excluding them from colonial commerce.

Some circumvention of these Acts occurred aided and abetted by Scottish settlers in the Chesapeake colonies and by speculative purchase of tobacco from traders in Whitehaven and Liverpool for resale to the European markets, particularly in Holland and Sweden.

The Act of Union of 1707 resulted in changes to the Navigation Acts which allowed ‘Freedom and Intercourse of Trade and Navigation’ with England and her colonies.

The pre-union trading in tobacco helped establish commercial knowledge and trade contacts which made Glasgow ready to develop and exploit the activity.

English tobacco trading was mainly commission based which involved taking crops on consignment and selling them on in domestic and European markets on behalf of the planters thereby earning a commission on the sale. Ownership of the tobacco remained with the planter until the sale. Fundamentally the English traders were ‘middle men’ with business risks mainly with the planter.

The Glasgow trade involved direct purchase of tobacco from the planters, but as other ports including English ones gradually moved to this system, this was only one factor which distinguished the Glasgow businesses from those in England and made it eventually very successful and pre-eminent in Britain.

Not everyone welcomed this success. The near monopoly of the English ports had been removed by the Act of Union; therefore, the challenge from the Glasgow merchants was not welcomed by them. When that challenge began to erode the English ports activity in tobacco, the reaction from London and Bristol merchants in particular was to attribute this to illicit activity on the part of the Glasgow merchants.

Specifically, they formed the view that ‘North British’ customs officers were corrupt and lazy thereby impairing the collection of taxes to the benefit of the Glasgow trade, and to the disadvantage of the Treasury. Lack of familiarity with correct English customs procedures was also blamed.

In due course this view prevailed and in 1722-1723 Parliament and the Treasury upheld the complaints resulting in significant changes to customs collections in Scotland.

Key changes were: more stringent regulations for the collection of dues, abolition of the separate Board of Customs for Scotland and replacing it with a rotating subcommittee of the London Board located in Edinburgh, and the sacking of native Scottish customs officers and their replacement by experienced English officers.

Despite these actions the Glasgow trade continued to flourish resulting in further complaint from the main English ports which gave rise to the Tobacco Act of 1751.

This Act put in place a series of controls which were intended to govern the internal movement of tobacco. In essence unmanufactured tobacco could not be moved or traded without a permit. A central accounting system was established, operated by special officers in London and Edinburgh, to ensure that every pound of tobacco was tracked from importer to retailer.

Contrary to expectations perhaps, Glasgow activity continued to grow to such an extent that by 1758 it surpassed London as the first tobacco port of the realm.  In 1762 tobacco accounted for 81% of Scottish re-exports of foreign produce and 52% of all Scottish exports. By 1775 the Scottish share of imports to Britain from the American colonies was 45%.

The ‘business compass’ below shows what I believe became the generic arrangement of the businesses of the major tobacco lords. The core business may have been tobacco but their diversification into other industries and the selling of their other products to the tobacco producers, their use of several co-partneries, the fundamentally tight communities internally and externally within the broader Glasgow merchant class where they set up institutions (banks) to help finance their ventures, all created a very successful business model.

Figure 4. Tobacco Lords Business ‘Compass’ George Manzor

The statistics quoted earlier are no doubt impressive however they do not convey the rapid growth in the Scottish (mainly Glasgow) tobacco industry from 1707 until the American War of Independence. To have a full understanding of the change of activity during these years it’s necessary to look at import levels at key points during this period.

Immediately post 1707 imports averaged 1,450,000 lbs per annum

Post 1710 pre-1720 imports averaged 2,500,000 lbs per annum

1722     6,000,000 lbs.

1741     8,000,000 lbs

1745     13,000,000 lbs

1752      21,000,000 lbs

1753      24,000,000 lbs

1760      32,000,000 lbs

1771      47,000,000 lbs.

Some stagnation occurred after 1722 when the initial custom changes were applied. However, it’s clear that in the long term the changes in law, regulation and customs procedures did not hinder Glasgow’s implacable growth in tobacco trading.

There were a number of advantages Glasgow had over the English ports, one natural, the others as a result of astute business methods and structures. It can be argued however that in due course, in one of their methods of operation, namely advancing credit to the colonial planters lay the seeds of the ultimate demise of the Glasgow tobacco trade.

The shortest route to the American colonies from Britain was north of Ireland. As a consequence, a ship sailing from the Clyde to Virginia could arrive there two to three weeks earlier than one sailing from London. Ships from the Clyde could achieve two journeys per year compared to those from London. Shorter sailing times meant commercial intelligence could pass between Glasgow and the colonies much more quickly. Control of the operation in the colonies by the principals in Glasgow would be tighter ensuring a more rapid response to changing circumstances than their competitors could achieve. Coupled with the organisational structure of the Glasgow companies, namely, partner (Glasgow), managing partner or factor (colonies), and storekeeper (colonies), this was an important feature of Glasgow’s success.

However probably the most significant and influential aspect of the Glasgow tobacco trade was the combination of information pooling between agents and employees (referred to as ‘network externalities’), reduced operating costs, the factoring system, and economies of scale.

Operating costs fundamentally were driven by freight costs. At a time when tobacco could be purchased for one penny to three halfpennies per pound, the cost of freight was one halfpenny per pound.

The size of ship was important, however unit shipping costs varied directly with the length of the voyage. The principal variant in the length of the voyage was the duration of the stay in the colonies, which could be between three and six months as a full ship load for the return journey was procured.

In terms of ship procurement, a considerable number were built in the colonies due to the cheaper cost of labour, sometimes built with Glasgow capital.

Ships crewing, and victualling costs were significantly lower due to the shorter journeys. Dwell time in port was considerably reduced by advance purchasing of tobacco (turn time in port could be as little as fifteen days), which was more expensive, but more than compensated for by the much-reduced freight costs. This also drove up the price of tobacco which obviously benefited the planter but disadvantaged the consignment competition with their higher operating costs.

The factor system with its network of stores and agents scattered throughout Maryland and Virginia was the means by which tobacco could be purchased directly from the planter. The consignment system had been best suited to large scale planters but as planting of tobacco expanded westward into the ‘back’ country this resulted in a large number of smaller individual operations which were not attractive or viable to the commission businesses.

A key aspect of direct purchase was that the business risk shifted from the planter to the merchants. Inevitably such small operations required financial support which was provided by the Glasgow merchants through extended credit, primarily to buy goods shipped from Glasgow, which were necessary to everyday life.

As the merchants owned a number of manufactories where goods and supplies were produced this was another significant income stream where ownership of production would lead to lower operating costs.

Liquidity however of this process was not ideal as continuing extension of credit for a number of reasons, including rivalry between the merchants, merely increased the indebtedness of the planters. A goods pricing structure evolved where cash purchases or purchases made using tobacco as currency were cheaper than if a purchase was made on credit.

Whilst this would appear as a reasonable long-term investment in the trade, particularly as the shipped tobacco was very quickly sold on domestically and into Europe, there was an incipient threat in that a growing and significant proportion of the capital in the business was debt. A further consequence was that eventually accessible credit became the life blood of the trade without which, it would not have existed in the way that it did.

Another significant advantage of the Glasgow tobacco trade was its access to capital in Scotland. There was a lack of competing areas of investment therefore the industry had little difficulty in attracting investment from the landed gentry and others who had capital to spare. Most of these investors had no connection to the industry other than what they had invested.

Additionally, the three major banks (Ship, Arms and Thistle) formed between 1750 and 1761 were co-partnerships dominated by the tobacco lords. This situation would have facilitated financial support of the industry.

There was another major change in the tobacco trade which significantly contributed to Glasgow’s success. The size of the market increased. Originally the most important market for tobacco was centred on Amsterdam. The nature of that trade meant that supplies of tobacco came from a multitude of ports in Britain. Small businesses therefore flourished.

The emerging French and German markets changed that situation. As they grew in significance, particularly the French, major companies prospered driving out the smaller ones. French and German buyers were in place in Glasgow and London making sure they were able to satisfy their own domestic demands for tobacco.

In Glasgow between 1728-1731 there had been 91 companies involved in the tobacco trade. By 1773 that number had reduced to 38, many with common partners and more closely associated by joint interest and kinship. This in turn provided another edge for Glasgow in that London merchants tended to act alone or in smaller partnerships of two or three.

French purchase of tobacco was not carried out by individual merchants or companies but through a state monopoly run by private interests.

As an aside around 1717-1720 that monopoly was run by a Scottish economist called John Law (a convicted murderer) through an organisation called ‘The Mississippi Company’ who had the monopoly on the importing and reselling of tobacco. He created a joint stock company which unfortunately became the first casualty in 1721 of a share price bubble which starts with share prices inflating rapidly followed by a total collapse of the price. The company became known as ‘the Mississippi Bubble’.  Its effect on the French economy was disastrous far outweighing the impact of the ‘South Sea Bubble’ in Britain.

The French purchases from Britain were initially small but as the 18th century progressed they began to buy more and more from Britain; significantly greater domestic demand, reduced British taxation impositions and the quality of the product driving them to do so. By the 1760’s over 50% of the French requirement was being purchased through Glasgow.

The Glasgow tobacco trade was by this time a resounding success with the main players such Glassford, Spiers and Cunninghame becoming fabulously wealthy.

Part 2 will look at Glassford’s business structure, partners, children and how the American War of Independence effected the tobacco industry generally.


The Tobacco Lords, Tom Devine, 1975, John Donald Ltd Edinburgh.

The Ascent of Money, Niall Ferguson, 2009, Penguin Books.

Scotland’s Empire 1600 – 1815, Tom Devine, 2003, Penguin Group.

The Union – England, Scotland and the Treaty of 1707, Michael Fry, 2007, Birlinn Ltd.

Studies in Scottish Business History, Ed. Peter Payne, 1967, Frank Case & Co. (Reprint from the William and Mary Quarterly entitled ‘The Rise of Glasgow in the Chesapeake Tobacco Trade 1707-1775)

Glasgow Past and Present-3 Volumes – 1884, David Robertson and Co.


[1] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Edinburgh. 27 April 1710. GLASSFORD, James and SMELIE, Eupham. 685/01 0460 0089.

[2] Watson, Charles B. Boog, ed. (1930) Roll of Burgesses and Guild Brethren 1701-1760. Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society. p. 79.

[3] Births (OPR) Scotland, Abbey, Renfrewshire. 1712-1725. GLASSFORD. 559/ 20 29; 559/ 20 39; 559/ 20 65; 559/ 20/81; 559/ 20 114.

[4] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Abbey, Renfrewshire. 14 November 1690. GLASSFORD, James and GEMMILL, Agnes. 559/ 10 336

[5] Births (OPR) Scotland. Abbey, Renfrewshire. 1695-1702. Glassford. 559/ 10 164; 559/ 10 196; 559/ 10 204; 559/ 10 215.

[6] Anderson, James R., ed. (1925) The Burgesses and Guild Brethren of Glasgow 1573-1750. William Glassford 1723. Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society. p 367.

[7] Watson, Charles B. Boog, ed. (1930) Roll of Edinburgh Burgesses and Guild Brethren 1701-1760. James Glassford 1733. Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society. p. 79.

[8] Anderson, James R., ed. (1925) The Burgesses and Guild Brethren of Glasgow 1573-1750. James Glassford 1734. Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society. p 414.

[9] Testamentary Records. Scotland. 6 November 1733. Testament, Testamentar and Inventory. GLASSFORD, James. Glasgow Commissary Court. CC9/7/54.

[10] Deaths (OPR) Scotland. Edinburgh. 6 November 1730. GLASSFORD, James. 685/1 890 301.

[11] Burials. (OPR) Scotland. Edinburgh. 9 November 1730 GLASSFORD, James. 685/1 900 103.

[12] Births (OPR) Scotland. Abbey, Renfrewshire. 11 December 1715. GLASSFORD, John. 559/ 20 52.

[13] Addison, W. Innes. (1913) The Matriculation Albums of the University of Glasgow 1728 to 1858. Glasgow: James Maclehose & Sons. p. 1.

[14] Devine, T. M. (1990) The Tobacco Lords. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. p. 181.

[15] Cleland, James (1832) Enumeration of the Inhabitants of the City of Glasgow ….1831. Glasgow: John Smith & Son. p. 156.

[16] Senex et al. (1884) Glasgow Past and Present. Vol.2. Glasgow: David Robertson and Co. p. 499

[17] Ewing, Archibald Orr, ed. (1866) View of the Merchants House of Glasgow etc. Glasgow: Bell & Bain. p. 530

[18] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 24 April 1743. GLASSFORD, John and COATS, Anne. 644/01 0250 0082.

[19] Stewart, George (1881) Curiosities of Glasgow Citizenship. Glasgow: James Maclehose. p. 138.

[20] Ewing, op.cit. p. 166

[21] Deaths (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 30 December 1729. COATS, Jean (Campbell). 644/01 0460 0080.

[22] Deaths. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 1 November 1744. GLASSFORD, Anna. 644/01 0470 0068.

[23] Births.

[24] Deaths. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 31 January 1751. GLASSFORD, James. 644/01 0470 0151.

[25] Deaths. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 9 October 1750. GLASSFORD, Archibald. 644/01 0470 0147.

[26] Deaths. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 30 January 1752. GLASSFORD, Euphan. 644/01 0470 0168.

[27] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 27 February 1743. INGRAM, Archibald and GLASSFORD, Rebecca. 644/01 0250 0080.

[28] Deaths (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 18 December 1751. COATS, Anne. 644/1 470 166.

[29] Marriages (OPR) Scotland. Edinburgh. 5 November 1752. GLASSFORD, John and NISBET, Anne. 685/1 480 196

[30] Births. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 7 March 1754. GLASSFORD, Ann. 644/01 012A 0090.

[31] Births. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 23 September 1755. GLASSFORD, Catharine. 644/01 012A 0158.

[32] Births. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 29 June 1757. GLASSFORD, Christian. 644/01 0130 0034.

[33] Births. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 4 January 1759. GLASSFORD, Rebecca. 644/01 0130 0161.

[34] Deaths. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 3 January 1777. GLASSFORD, John. 644/01 0590 0005.

[35] Births. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 15 November 1764. GLASSFORD, Henry. 644/01 0140 0223.

[36] Deaths. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 11 April 1766. GLASSFORD, Anne. 644/01 0480 0174.

[37] Marriages. (OPR) Scotland. 18 August 1768. GORDON, James and GLASSFORD, Jean. 644/01 0260 0056.

[38] Marriages. (OPR) Scotland. St Cuthbert’s, Edinburgh. 24 November 1768. GLASSFORD, John and MACKENZIE, Margaret. 685/02 0160 0212.

[39] Births. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 14 January 1770. GLASSFORD, Isabella. 644/01 0150 0173.

[40] Births. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 19 February 1771. GLASSFORD. James. 644/01 0150 0248.

[41] Births. (OPR) Scotland. Glasgow. 21 February 1773. GLASSFORD, Euphemia. 644/01 0160 0007.

[42] Deaths. Scotland. Glasgow. 29 March 1773. McKENZIE, (Glassford) Lady Margaret.

[43] Anderson, James R., ed. (1925) The Burgesses and Guild Brethren of Glasgow 1573-1750. John Glassford 1737. Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society. p 425.

[44] Senex et al. (1884) Glasgow Past and Present. Vol.2. Glasgow: David Robertson and Co. p. 50

[45] Senex et al. (1884) Glasgow Past and Present. Vol.2. Glasgow: David Robertson and Co. p. 499.

[46] Goodfellow, G. L. M. “Colin Campell’s Shawfield Mansion in Glasgow.” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, vol. 23, no. 3, 1964, pp. 123–128. JSTOR, JSTOR,

[47] Devine, op. cit. p. 181.

[48] Maryland State Archives. Maryland Indexes, (Chancery Papers, Index), 1788-1790, MSA S 1432. 1790/12/013990: Robert Peter vs. William Deakins, Jr., Bernard O’Neal, Edward Burgess, Richard Thompson, John Peters, and Thomas Beall. MO. Contract to serve as securities. Accession No: 17,898-3990. MSA S512-4108   1/36

[49] Maryland Genealogical Society. Bulletin Vol. 36, No.2, Spring 1995.